Time for Opposition Coalition?

 

Willie Drennan

The flag dispute has managed to highlight the fact that there is clearly a growing disconnect with our government, and yet no real opportunity to vote in an official opposition: as is the norm in the Western world. While Abuse of Power by government in London, Dublin, Brussels and Washington has been exposed in recent times; there prevails in Northern Ireland a confident sense of immunity. This is due to a fear in London, Dublin, Brussels and Washington, and Belfast, that if the Ulster political boat starts to rock we’ll all start shoving each other overboard again. Best to turn the blind eye.

The reasons for the recent decision at City Hall and emotional ‘flag protests’ have much to do with the cultural war-game that has been raging in Northern Ireland since the Big Agreement of 1998: a cultural war-game that is not going to end as long as we have a political institution, that by its structure and it’s nature, depends on and thrives on Orange and Green division. We all agree we can never go back to a situation where a Unionist/Protestant party dominates over an opposition Nationalist/Catholic party but equally we shouldn’t tolerate the potential for 50 years of misrule by a closed-shop ‘coalition’.

 An opposition coalition, of course, would not only have to include those with British and All-Ireland aspirations but also the so-called Left and the so-called Right; the Liberals and the Radicals, and significantly those from  working-class backgrounds who presently feel unrepresented.  It would definitely be a strange fusion of folk but no stranger than the strange bedfellows currently at Stormont.

The Opposition Coalition would need to be in agreement on a creative economic strategy that would be supportive of local sustainable enterprise, without feeling the need to sell off Ulster’s heart and soul to far-off foreign corporations. It would need to have the common goal of providing an accountable, transparent form of government for all of the people. While respecting everyone’s political aspirations there would need to be an agreement to put the constitutional issue to bed for a reasonable period to allow for regeneration of a confident and stable economy. 

There is no reason for confidence that a new ‘coalition’ at Stormont would do any better at governing than the present ‘coalition’. Many of the present establishment are professional and sincere enough in their approach to politics: but nonetheless, they are part of the murky world of party-politics that necessitates keeping the head down at times; and saying nothing about unethical goings-on. 

What we the electorate would gain though, would be the basic right of opportunity to vote for real change at election time.  It would probably take a few elections to get it sorted as those in power seem comfortable with the present carve-up: they have the cash and the big corporate connections to fuel their election campaigns and keep things as they are. In the interim we could hope to edge-open some doors of transparency for the present ‘coalition’ at Stormont - and for all those on their pay-roll.

 

United States of the Atlantic Isles?

 

 By Willie Drennan [From Issue 11 of the Ulster Folk}]

 

Fifteen years on from the Big Agreements as we each try to decipher the Good Friday, Belfast or St Andrews versions: as we listen to the experts deliver their indisputable analysis on what it all clearly means; in contradiction to other experts, is it time to think outside the box?

 

Okay ‘outside the box’ is an over-used buzz term these days but we really do need to get out of the boxes that the government, or governments, have stuck us in. There really is not much glimmer of hope just now as the powerful ‘who call the shots’ are happiest when the local tribes are at each other’s throats. It keeps them in power: keeps their employees on big salaries and pensions, keeps the Peace and Conflict Industries afloat.  Any genuine move to a harmonious free tolerant society is not going to come from any of the five main parties at Stormont: they simply have too much invested. We don’t even have an official opposition to address the lack of basic accountability and  transparency.

I’ve had notions for many years now, notions too idealistic and off the wall for me to even think about putting out there: but ever since an IRA commander and a Free Presbyterian commander became partners in government and close buddies, perhaps my ideas might now be entertained by some.

If you examine the history of the British Isles and then pause to wonder why we are where we are today, most of us will probably conclude that we just been pawns in the big game of chess played out by the lusters of power and the masters of war. And there really is no end to 400 years of conflict and division in sight until we all fully grasp this.

It is interesting what is happening in Scotland with the referendum, and how even the thought of the break-up of the United Kingdom gets the other regions all fired up.  Then there are the calls for a UK referendum on the EU, not to mention Sinn Fein’s call for an Irish border poll. Is it time to consider a new political alignment of the British Isles (that’s a geographical term, not trying to get political here)? There’s no chance of a Dublin controlled United Ireland that would be separate from the rest of the British Isles. Absolutely no chance. For one thing it’s too late now as we are all starting to understand that the capital city of a new United Ireland would be Brussels, not Dublin anyway.

I understand those in Ireland who feel it is important to respect their forefathers who fought for liberty for Ireland: but I don’t think their ancestors would be too happy about how the cause they fought for has evolved. Similarly those of us in Ulster who had ancestors who fought and died for our right to freedom will wonder if it was all worthwhile defending Derry, charging at the Somme or taking on the IRA. 

What we need is a dream that we can aspire to where there are no winners and no losers. Okay that’s too idealistic: there always have to be losers, but the losers should only be the handful who haven’t had the foresight to jump ship and join the revolution before they get booted out.

So, can we explore the possibility of a new political alignment of the British Isles?   I’m even willing to leave out the British geographical bit and just call it the Atlantic Isles or something. Is this too radical of a notion in these times when it looks like the United Kingdom is in for an overhaul whether we want it or not? Is it too much to ponder the notion that people in Ireland just might be better off having a federal-style government arrangement with its closest neighbours and ancient kinfolk – with real potential for a high degree of self-determination?  Would it really be out of the question for the people of Northern Ireland to have a mutual agreement with the wonderful folk across the Irish Border?

 

Okay for those of you who are still hinging in there with me, if only for amusement, what would you have to lose?  In Ulster we would get to celebrate the Twelfth in an atmosphere of tolerance -The Sash or Fields of Athenry causing offence to nobody - the Twelfth even in Dublin perhaps as Ireland gives the go ahead to promote its other distinct and rich culture. We could jointly sell our rich diversified culture world wide: we could make our own clothes and furniture again, promote our own food; we would never again feel the need to sell our souls to big foreign masters of wealth and war.  We could figure out minor details like the Royal Family, European Landlords and the Euro later.

 

The big winners would be the next generation.  Well okay then: anyone got a better idea?

 

My Work as an Ulster-Scot's artist.

 Overview of my work in Northern Ireland 1997 to 2014.  

Willie Drennan

[This is for the benefit of those who have expressed an interest in how much money I have sucked out of the government’s Ulster-Scots pot].

First of all, I am an Ulster Scot. Everything about me is Ulster Scots: my family background, the area I grew up in, my natural form of speech, the music, songs, poetry and stories that I grew up with. As a teenager in the late 1960’s I was writing songs and poems in Ulster Scots.

 I left Northern Ireland in 1976 to travel and work in different countries before settling in Canada for fourteen years. While in Canada in the early 1990’s I helped form the Ulster Scottish Society of Canada. When I returned to Northern Ireland in 1997 I immediately found work as a folk musician/ storyteller who primarily worked within the Ulster Scots genre.

I applied to the Arts Council for funding in 1997 to develop, workshop and promote an Ulster Scots stage show in relation to the 1798 Rebellion in Mid Antrim. I receive a small grant. We toured the show successfully, both in Northern Ireland and in the Republic. This was before the government’s Ulster Scots Agency was invented and long before it was operational.

 Since that I have continued to be a self-employed artist and have not directly applied for personal funding. I have however been hired to participate in concerts, projects, and festivals that would have received some government assistance.  The majority of my Ulster Scots work, up until 2009 would have been through the Ulster Scots Folk Orchestra Association, which I fronted and coordinated  for much of that time-period . The vast majority of the work of the Ulster Scots Folk Orchestra did not receive direct funding. We performed just over 800 concerts: the majority of which were paid for via  ticket sales. We produced 12 CD recordings and 2 DVD’S which were simply financed through sales. We did not receive public funding to produce the recordings as we simply did not need any. 

The only direct funding that we applied for, and actually the main reason for the formation of the association, was to develop a Youth Programme. We did not teach beginners but we engaged a large number of already trained young musicians to perform our material and style on stage. We also gave workshops and performances in schools. We received some funding from the Arts Council and the Ulster Scots Agency towards this. I personally was heavily involved in this project but, for the record, due to a strange set of circumstances resulting from dysfunctional government practice, I possibly ended up with no government money at all for the extensive work that I carried out.

It is necessary to point out that while I was involved in the funding application process with the Ulster Scots Folk Orchestra this is not money that I required for myself as I was already well-known and regularly engaged as an Ulster Scot performer. And, as a matter of fact I would go as far as to state that the small amounts of funding that the orchestra did receive for the Youth Project was a curse.

Outside the orchestra the only other funding that I received, through another cultural association, was towards my second book on Ulster Scots. This small grant was spent on costs related to research, design and marketing. The book was printed and published without the aid of government funding.

 Someone also queried the TV shows that I presented. I was hired by an independent media company and I have to assume they received their payment from BBC. All in all, it is difficult for me to say exactly how much of my work since 1997 has been paid for indirectly from public funding as I often would not have been aware if the hirers received any government money or not. I would guess  that it would have been less than 50%.

 

There may have been other connections to public funding that I have overlooked. If that is the case it is because they would have been so trivial that I have no recollection of it.

 

 It is essential for government to support the arts to some extent and I have been pushing for a change in bureaucratic system to allow for more private sector initiatives and less dependency on public funds. The present massive amounts of funding currently available for arts and culture, most of which gets absorbed in top-end bureaucracy, is not sustainable.  Younger people involved in the arts would do well to consider this. Those already wrapped up in the system, understandably, do not want to address this as their livelihood has become dependent upon that system.

In the interim, until the scale of squandering of public arts money is exposed: until a more sensible strategy for promoting the arts is put in place; I will continue to take whatever work comes my way, whether it is indirectly subsidised by government or not.   That is the reality of the present system in Northern Ireland and I have bills that need to be paid.  I trust this approach will be deemed reasonable by those who have expressed interest in how I manage my livelihood. Also see my blog on Creative Industries.

 I do make one exception: I refuse to do gigs which I get  indirectly paid for via the Ulster Scots Agency.   I believe that outfit should be shut down as it is controlled politically from the very top and it is represents massive squandering of taxpayers money.

 

Proposals for Creative Industries

 Extracts from letter sent to DCAL 2011)

 

 A new approach needs to be developed to create a level playing field between existing funded arts organisations and new groups with new initiatives, who presently cannot compete with heavily funded groups.

 Some government money is still essential to avoid the collapse of existing groups and to stimulate new innovative, well managed projects which would be reluctant to take off in this economic climate.

Pilot projects could be set up for which partial up-front funding could be provided for proposals with sound artistic and management content; proposals that can be held accountable and be fully transparent through the delivery of the goods. They simply wouldn’t receive further support if they couldn’t deliver.

 

There needs to be a drastic cut back on bureaucracy. The reality for organisations that receive core funding is that they have to engage employees just to deal with the bureaucracy and for the purpose of constantly applying for more public money.

 

 The current artificial “tendering” process that has become a growing stipulation for receipt of public money. This needs to be restructured to allow for more efficient hiring of services.

 

 Under present guidelines for funding organisations need to have committees. Committees are notoriously a tremendous waste of time and energy.

 

.

 

The Flag Thing.

 

Willie Drennan

The Richard Haass team may be costing the tax-payers, especially of Southern England, a small fortune: it may be an affirmation of dysfunctional government at Stormont; we may be dubious of it as we are beginning to understand that all government-employed tribunals and quangos tend to work for, and facilitate, their paymaster. At worst it could make matters here only slightly worse and at best it could facilitate rational debate that just might eventually lead to a majority of people in Northern Ireland agreeing: on a process that could possibly, maybe, lead to a sane harmonious society for future generations.

This is where we are at and so we should at least give it a go especially as we are paying for it anyway:  too bad we didn’t have something like it in place before last year’s controversial decision at Belfast City Hall.  I think most of us now accept that we can no longer quote the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement as it means three different things to three different sets of people. This touches on the fundamental problem in relation to which flag we fly as we are not sure what country we live in.

Ian Parsley, in one of his recent thought-provoking blogs, points out that we can’t have a debate on what a new flag might be until we figure out what Northern Ireland is. I will expand on that by saying, once again, that we really should have a serious examination of the language of the GFA. We need it translated into Standard English, try to agree on what it really means, or at least have the differing politicians spell out why their interpretation of the Agreement  language is correct: then let them take it to the electorate.

This really is at the heart of the flag dispute.  Unionists say the Agreement means that we are part of the UK, until such times as the majority want change; therefore the Union Flag is the proper national flag of our country. Nationalists say it means we live in some sort of unique evolving joint-state and therefore the tricolour should fly alongside the Union Flag. The third-way liberals say it’s all very clear: there is a distinction between nationality and citizenship; we are really just some sort of unique independent state, so let’s get a new Northern Ireland flag and forget about the other two contentious flags.

Well, I’m sorry it’s anything but clear to me and so it’s back to requesting translation of the Agreement as the essential first step. But, I do have optimism as I know the spirit of the Northern Irish and I believe that the vast majority of us do want a solution and are prepared to compromise. Perhaps if we could get agreement on flags then everything else could fall into place.

Here is yet another angle for Richard Haass et al. to consider. How’s about if all government buildings in Northern Ireland fly the Union Flag, in a dominant position, acknowledging it as a national flag? Alongside that there could be several flags: a new NI flag, the flags of the neighbouring states of Scotland (independent or not), Wales, England and Republic of Ireland? This would confirm Northern Ireland as a confident state which fully understands who manages it’s income-tax and yet has healthy exchange, trade and a sharing of mutual respect with All of its neighbours.

Okay, I know, that is probably a bit out there for about 51% of the population: but at least I’m making an effort. The only other thing I would say is, that no matter which flags fly they should all be manufactured in Northern Ireland and not in the Far East.

Parameters for Parades and Common Sense

Parameters for Parades and Common Sense.

 

Dear Dr Haass and Dr O’Sullivan

 Here is my proposal for guidelines on parading in Northern Ireland.

 In any free society: all citizens, including those of minority cultures, should be facilitated to allow public celebration of their culture. Appropriate restrictions however should be set in place where parades clearly set out to be offensive, or when, within the realms of common sense determination, would truly cause genuine offence.

 Traditional cultural parades should be allowed to proceed along main arterial routes, provided they are conducted peacefully and are respectful to the rest of society.

Restrictions should be imposed in special circumstances where noise or travel disruption would  interfere with other previously organised events, or seriously impede the function of business and commerce.

Restrictions may also be considered necessary, particularly on parade supporters, if a parade passes the homes of residents who can demonstrate the potential for serious impediment of their daily lives as a direct result. 

Non-traditional parades should be treated with the same guidelines unless they clearly set out to be provocative.

A sensible parameter would be that any commemoration dealing with the highly sensitive recent ‘troubles’ should be dealt with separately and potentially have extra restrictions imposed. Where necessary such commemorations should be restricted to areas where the community is clearly supportive and registers no objection.

 Restrictions on parades may also be necessary if symbolism relating to recent ‘troubles’ is displayed. 

Parade participants, and protesters, who step outside imposed government restrictions will of course be breaking the law of the land and should be dealt with accordingly.

 The playing of tunes, without lyrics being sung, cannot logically be deemed offensive as lyrics of songs have been in perpetual transformation throughout history: throughout the country, throughout the world; and this will continue to be the case.  The singing of offensive lyrics by parade participants or supporters is of course illegal when deliberately sung to offend.

 Guidelines on parading should be issued in a clear straightforward language and implemented equally across the board for all our citizens. Sheer common sense should be used to determine what is acceptable and what is truly offensive to others.

 Similarly, sheer common sense should be applied to determine which claims of ‘offence’ are  legitimate, and which claims are spurious and contrived for purposes of mischief.  While many claims have had validity, spurious claims have been a significant factor in much of the contention over parades.  There can be no lasting resolution of the problem if our authorities, and media, remain in denial of this fact.

Violent disruption of peaceful, legal, annual traditional parades should not be rewarded. Annual parades that are attacked should not be restricted the following year due to the threat of further violence from the attackers. To date, this policy by the Parades Commission has clearly encouraged and perpetuated increased violent protest.

Final decisions on individual parades should be the ultimate responsibility of our elected representatives. If common sense, peaceful resolutions cannot be achieved our government should be held accountable. 

Should it still be considered necessary to appoint a Parades Commission perhaps this should be in advisory role and not as a determining body, as is presently the case. Their function in this capacity would be to clearly define the parameters for parading and protests in a manner that would enable consistently fair implementation by PSNI.

In order to achieve government accountability the system of government in Northern Ireland needs transforming to allow for an Official Opposition Coalition that can publicly hold the governing coalition to account.  Considering the unique situation of Northern Ireland, and the need for cross-community agreement, this should still be achievable as the constitutional issue is currently redundant.

To conclude, I believe that lasting solutions for issues of parading, symbolism and the flying of our national flag, can best be resolved by re-examining and clarifying the language of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The spirit of that agreement has been lost due to the creative but ambiguous language used.

In the meantime we trust that the findings and recommendation of this independent tribunal will steer us a down a new road; a road that leads to a society which embraces tolerance and mutual respect. 

Sincerely

Willie Drennan

 

 

 

 

 

Queries on Scottish Referendum.

By Willie Drennan: Editor of The Ulster Folk

On September 18th2014, a referendum will determine whether or not Scotland will separate from the rest of the UK. While we need to respect the right of the Scottish people to vote how ever they choose on this issue, the rest of who would still remain in the UK after a YES vote, should probably start thinking what that would mean for us.

At the moment there seems to be a lot of confusion, within and outside Scotland, on just what an independent Scotland and the break-up of the United Kingdom would mean. This is undoubtedly the reason why a large chunk of Scottish people are currently unclear on which way they will vote. I think it reasonable for those of us who could soon be regarded as foreigners to the Scot to start asking questions.

 I plan to contact various political groups and activist groups in Scotland to see if they can provide any insight on the following queries. Any responses will be reported in upcoming issues of The Ulster Folk.

1. Would an independent Scotland be a republic or would it remain connected to the British monarchy? [Assuming the old Jacobite cause is no longer relevant]

2. Would Scotland apply to become part of the EU?

3. Would they plan to join the Euro?

4. Should the UK vote to leave the EU would this influence Scotland’s approach to the EU?

5. Would Scotland have its own defence force: army, navy and air force?

6. Would Scotland remain part of the British Commonwealth?

7. Where would the international border be with Northern Ireland?

8. How would this effect fishing rights/mineral rights etc.?

9. What effect would this have on UK citizens who currently reside, work or attend universities in Scotland: especially if one nation is part of EU and the other isn’t?

10. Should a Scottish region, such as the Orkneys and Shetlands, or even Dumfries and Galloway, vote decidedly to remain part of the UK, would they have the option of separating from Scotland and remaining in the UK?

  I’m sure more issues that could impact the rest of the UK will arise.

Marie Stopes in Belfast

The abortion issue is uniting many Protestants and Roman Catholics while creating division within the flocks: the ‘wise’ keeping their heads down, saying nothing until they are a mile out of town. Writing from out of town I am wondering if the silver lining in the story of Marie Stopes setting up shop here in Belfast is that it will bring focus on clarifying what our local legislation says on the matter.

 As in all issues of dispute and conflict there is usually legitimacy in the fundamental views of both factions. The views of the pro-life/anti-abortion lobbyists are of course valid when they explain that following conception a life force is created and any deliberate termination of that life force in the womb amounts to a killing: there are very few of us today who would not have seriously resented anyone who had attempted to interfere with our right to the magic of life when we were still in the womb. The enthusiasm of the pro-lifers is based on their deeply held Christian convictions, but I have two questions. Firstly, is there not something that goes against the essence of Christianity in always seeking to forbid the right of choice to a woman in the dilemma of having a pregnancy, that may result in harm to her own life or that of the new-born child? Secondly (to Unionist pro-lifers) is there not something fundamentally un-British about people here not being afforded the same rights and freedoms of choice as people in the rest of the UK? Only asking.

United States of the Atlantic Isles?

United States of the Atlantic Isles 

Willie Drennan

 

Fifteen years on from the Big Agreements as we each try to decipher the Good Friday, Belfast or St Andrews versions: as we listen to the experts deliver their indisputable analysis on what it all clearly means; in contradiction to other experts, is it time to think outside the box?

Okay ‘outside the box’ is an over-used buzz term these days but we really do need to get out of the boxes the government, or governments, have stuck us in. There really is not much glimmer of hope these days as the powerful ‘who call the shots’ are happiest when the local tribes are each other’s throats. It keeps them in power, keeps their employees on big salaries and pensions, keeps the Peace and Conflict Industries afloat.  Any genuine move to a harmonious free tolerant society is not going to come from any of the five main parties at Stormont: they simply have too much invested. We don’t even have an official opposition to address the lack of basic accountability and  transparency.

I’ve had notions for many years now, notions too idealistic and off the wall for me to even think about putting out there: but ever since an IRA commander and a Free Presbyterian commander became partners in government and close buddies, perhaps my ideas might now be entertained by some.

If you examine the history of the British Isles and then pause to wonder why we are where we are today, most of us will probably conclude that we just been pawns in the big game of chess played out by the lusters of power and the masters of war. And there really is no end to 400 years of conflict and division in sight until we all fully grasp this.

It’s getting scary in Scotland with the upcoming referendum and the potential break-up of the United Kingdom.  Then there are the calls for a UK referendum on the EU, not to mention Sinn Fein’s call for an Irish border poll: even though we all know there is now no chance of a Dublin controlled  united Ireland that could be separate from the rest of the British Isles. Is it time to consider a new political alignment of the British Isles?

I understand those in Ireland who feel it is important to respect their forefathers who fought for liberty for Ireland: but I don’t think their ancestors would be too happy about how the cause they fought for has evolved. Similarly those of us in Ulster who had ancestors who fought and died for our right to freedom will wonder if it was all worthwhile defending Derry, charging at the Somme or taking on the IRA. 

What we need is a dream that we can aspire to where there are no winners and no losers. Okay that’s too idealistic: there always have to be losers, but the losers should only be the few who haven’t had the foresight to jump ship before they get booted out.

So, can we explore the possibility of a new political alignment of the British Isles?   Is this too radical of a notion in these times when it looks like the United Kingdom is in for an overhaul whether we want it or not? Is it too much to ponder the notion that people in Ireland just might be better off having a federal-style government arrangement with its closest neighbours and ancient kinfolk: with real potential for a high degree of self-determination?  Would it really be out of the question for the people of Northern Ireland to have a mutual agreement with the wonderful folk across the Irish Border?

 

Okay for those of you who are still hinging in there with me, if only for amusement, what would you have to lose?  In Ulster we would get to celebrate the Twelfth in an atmosphere of tolerance - the Twelfth even in Dublin perhaps as Ireland gives the go ahead to promote its other distinct and rich culture. We could jointly sell our rich diversified culture world wide and figure out minor details like the Royal Family, European Landlords, armies and the Euro later.

 

The big winners would be the next generation.  Well okay then: anyone got a better idea?  More of the same for another 400 years?

 

[Written for Issue 11 of The Ulster Folk. June 2013

 

What's The Crack With Craic?

 What's the Crack with 'Craic'?

Willie Drennan

 

It's good to do that we have some dedicated readers who spot the deliberate mistakes that we sometimes throw in to make sure people are paying attention. In Issue 8 some of you did notice that in one of my stories the word crack was spelled ‘craic’. This spelling of course has become normal among young journalists and older writers who would like to be seen as being trendy: ‘crack’ or ‘craic’ is generally understood to mean jovial conversation.

 It is a word of Lowland Scots, and probably Old English, origin and has been in common use in parts of Ulster since the 17th century: it was popularized in Belfast during the Industrial Revolution when hundreds of families moved there from its rural hinterland. At some stage in was introduced into the Irish Language where it was spelled ‘craic’ because the letter 'k' does not exist in that language, but prior to that it was often used by Ulster and Scottish writers/poets/journalists etc. and commonly spelled ‘crack’. Mind you, occasionally in Ulster-Scots it has been spelled ‘crak’ or ‘crek’. This was either because they wanted to reflect how it was pronounced, didn’t know how to spell it or just because they wanted to be thran and different.

Now, I'm not trying to challenge the legitimacy of this word being considered 'Irish': that's just the way languages work. New words are introduced to most languages on a regular basis and it wouldn't surprise me if some wee man, or wee woman, in Oxford will introduce 'craic' into the Oxford Dictionary sometime soon. They may have already done so but I don’t care: I will continue to use the spelling ‘crack' as commonly used in rural County Antrim when I was a wean. Everybody else can spell it whatever way they want. I really do not care that much.

[From Issue 9 of The Ulster Folk]

Canada: The Disregarded Link

 

 

Willie Drennan

They say whoever wins the war gets to write the history books. This saying probably originated after the American Revolutionary War.  In Ulster we all know the story from the American angle very well. We know of the honourable reasons for the cause of the revolution against the British: the taxation without representation. We know of Tom Paine’s ‘The Rights of Man’ and how the Scotch Irish embraced the Enlightenment and fought for liberty and religious freedom for all. We know all about the heroic deeds of the Ulstermen at Valley Forge, Brandywine and Yorktown.  Us Ulster Scots of today are as proud as can be of our connection with those valiant ‘Sons of Liberty, who inspired the French Revolution and the United Irishmen.  

 

But when you do get to hear the Canadian version of things the plot thickens, the intrigue abounds and the potential lessons for all of us today become apparent.

We’ve always known in Ulster that we have very strong historic ties with Canada: if only because of the extent to which those ties were reinforced in the twentieth century. We haven’t been fed much glorious hype about our connection however: that’s all been kept for the freedom fighting ‘Sons of Liberty’ who were motivated by the independent spirit of the Scotch Irish.

 

Once you look into the Canadian version of things however we soon realise that us Ulster folk have every bit as much a connection with Canada as we have with the USA. One of the largest ethnic groups in the early days of British North America were the Irish and the majority of these were from Ulster, even after the later mass influx of Southern Irish  in the1840’s. Ontario in particular was dominated by Ulster folk with Toronto known as the Belfast of Canada: and for much of the 19^th century and early 20^th century the Lord Mayor of Toronto got to ride a white horse on the Twelfth Day and pretend he was King Billy. The Lord Mayor was often as Orangeman himself as the Orange Order at that time was a massive institution across Canada: from British Columbia to Newfoundland. Now it has to be said that these Orangemen were also English, Scottish, German Protestants, and  Orange politics were related to the politics of Canada: not Ireland. There can be little doubt what ethnic group started up the Orange Order in Canada.  Wherever Loyalists of Ulster descent settled in Canada Orange lodges were formed.

An abbreviated Canadian version of the American Revolution is as follows.  Those who didn’t agree with over throwing British rule in North America were persecuted and force to flee to flee north to the ‘British North America’. 100,000 of them gathered in the last British held port of New York City to be shipped off north of the line that became the Canadian border.  They were called ‘Loyalists’  because they refused to fight the British and participate in the American Revolution. Some would argue though that these Loyalists had also been opposed to the ‘taxation without representation’ imposed by the British authorities on Americans: it’s just that they wanted to sort out the difficulties within the remit of the British Constitution. They didn’t want to go to war to force the change that they believed could well be changed through peaceful diplomatic means. Herein lies the fundamental differences between the American and Canadian mindset ever since.

It is particularly interesting that it is difficult to figure out any difference in background, principles and mindset between the Ulster folk who became Canadians and those who became Americans.  The very first ‘Irish’ settlement in Canada was in Nova Scotia by Ulster folk; many of whom had had forebears who had defended Derry’s Walls during the siege of 1689. Many more Ulster Loyalists settled in New Brunswick, Eastern Townships of Quebec, Ontario and indeed right across the northern shores of the Great Lakes.  They were no softies they were as tough and as dogged as any 18^th century pioneers: the difference was that they fully embraced the notion of liberty and equal opportunity for ALL. Well okay, that’s the same principles that the USA was founded upon but the Canadians didn’t have to go through another horrendous bloody war to get things sorted.

This more tolerant approach to life has been the fundamental difference that continues up to this  present day.  While Canada  lives with the guilt of how their forebears obliterated the indigenous peoples they have certainly, ever since, demonstrated a degree of tolerance that can be matched by  few other nations.

Canada for several generations has been the multicultural showcase of the world. They have dealt with the difficult issues between Loyalists, Francophones, Natives and recent mass immigration in a way that has become the envy of the civilised world. Are their lessons here for the UK as multiculturalism becomes a serious contentious issue? Are their lessons here for Northern Ireland?  Does the Canadian approach to things deserve more attention over here among their distant cousins this side of the Atlantic? Why do the Canadians of Ulster stock think different and do things different than the Americans from the same Ulster stock?

Well shortly after this goes to print I’m off for a visit to the former Loyalist stronghold of British North America. I will explore more of their historical and modern-day approach to multiculturalism and report back on any relevant findings of note in Issue 12 of The Ulster Folk.

 

 

The Twelfth Day and Celtic Park of Colin Agnew.

Willie Drennan

Ballymena man Colin Agnew is a staunch supporter of Glasgow Celtic FC and has been since he was 7 years old. The strange thing about that is that Colin is a church-going Protestant who also supports Northern Ireland and Ballymena United. He is a one-off. Colin explained to me that when he was 7  Celtic won the European Cup by beating Inter-Milan in the final. His family didn’t have a TV set but he was able to watch the match on a neighbour’s black and white screen.

Colin was smitten by the glory of the occasion and he was mesmerised by the green and white hoops, well at least by the black and white hooped shirts on the TV screen. But it didn’t matter to Colin that there was an Irish Catholic and Irish Nationalist aspect to the identity of the Glasgow club: from an early age Colin was simply into people and friends first ( and of course football) over political and religious difference.  I’ve known Colin for many years and can vouch for his sincerity on this.

 When I asked Colin about how he dealt with the sectarian singing and chanting, that both Celtic and Rangers are renowned for: he told me the magic would disappear without it. He felt it was something not to be taken too seriously, or too literally, outside of the football ground: and believed that that was the case for most Rangers and Celtic fans.

He explained that he attended his first Celtic match when he was sixteen. He was able to get a ticket through his close Glaswegian friend: Celtic fan Tony Collins; an ex-British soldier boxing champion, turned evangelical gospel folk singer who lived in Ballymena for a few years. Tony managed to get two tickets for the Scottish Cup Final at Hampdem Park against the Rangers through his contacts in Glasgow. The only slight problem was that the tickets were for the Rangers end and they didn’t realise this until they were in the ground. Colin said it was a matter of shoving their Celtic scarves up their jumpers, singing along to the Billy Boys and The Sash, not cheering when Celtic scored and standing up to cheer when Rangers scored. Rangers won the game 3-2.

That didn’t put Colin off: at 16 it was too late to become a Rangers fan. Colin was enthralled by the atmosphere at the game: at the passionate singing of both sets of fans and is convinced that these ‘Old Firm’ games are the best in the world. Colin later lived and worked in Scotland for a few years, allowing him to regularly attend Celtic games and so solidified his love and connection. 

Colin has two sons who both follow if their dads footsteps by following Celtic , as well as Northern Ireland and Ballymena United. He recently took his youngest son Benjamin to see Celtic for the first and marked the event by writing and recording on CD, a song called ‘Benji Goes to Paradise’.  It is actually sung by his old Glaswegian folk singing fiend Tony Collins, that’s right he forgave him for buying the tickets for the Rangers end. As a Rangers fan just can’t quite get into enjoying it, I do fully understand why the quality of the recording, the lyrics and the tune make it is a hit among Celtic fans.

This was not Colin’s first composition and his other songs include a popular song for Northern Ireland fans which has been well promoted by the Sunday Life and received the blessing of the IFA itself.

What is also unusual for this Celtic enthusiast is that he has a great affinity with Ulster-Scots and Ulster Protestant cultural traditions. A few years ago Colin won a writing contest organised by the News Letter based on memories of the Twelfth of July. His printed story entitled ‘Memories of the Glorious Twelfth and Granny’s Conglomeration Sandwiches’ was a great read. It captured the essence of the Twelfth as a distinct cultural pageant and, first and foremost for Colin, as a time for family reunion.

 The family circle would gather at his grandmother’s house on the Twelfth morning in excitement and in anticipation of the big parade. Colin loved the colours of the banners and uniforms, the music of the bands and the Lambegs and fifes and checking out those he knew in the parade. In particular there was great anticipation of the arrival of Slaght LOL 475, to watch it cross Harryville Bridge, as that was the lodge his father was in.

After the parade it was back to his grandmothers for another feed of home-made food, conglomeration sandwiches and wee buns. As the distant sounds of drums serenaded from across the fields on the warm summer’s night (Colin recalls it always being sunny on the 12^th) the family made their own entertainment led by the storytelling and recitation skills of his colourful granny. Very fond memories indeed and Colin Agnew is probably one of the few people on the planet who sees no contradiction, or experiences any obstacles or pain in his enjoyment of both Glasgow Celtic FC and the Twelfth of July.  Too bad for Northern Ireland that he is just a one-off.

Trees and Bees

25,000 more diseased trees had to be destroyed in County Down again recently.  They were of course from imported saplings, As we said before it is time for us to be producing our own trees from seedlings. Very easy to do and would employ some local people in the process.

As we pointed out in Issue 4, our honey bees are vanishing at an alarming rate. Bees have been around forever and they are crucial for pollination: crucial for our food production. Perhaps the G8  people have discussed this and have come up with a strategy for dealing with this environmental travesty. If not, it will be left up to small independent bee keepers like County Antrim’s Jimmy Cousley to facilitate their survival.

The State of our Local Economy

Willie Drennan 

Someone needs to write a book about the approach of our governments to the local and global economy. Well someone probably is writing that book as I write this rants, but until it’s out there and a best seller nothing is going to change very quickly. The most likely outcome of the G8  Summit in Fermanagh is that our wealthiest  nations will continue their policies of expanding the wealth and control of global chieftains at the expense of investment in , and promotion of local independent, but inter-dependent, sustainable enterprise. 

Our government at Stormont will follow the paths of their government partners in London and   Dublin to ensure that those who play along will be rewarded. Their policies will continue to stifle  small private sector incentives. Here is one tiny example. Unlike the large conglomerates who own   the other newspapers in Northern Ireland, with the support of government, The Ulster Folk are discouraged. The Ulster Scots Agency dishes out its Ulster Scots paper ‘free’ of charge while  other public purse funded outfits, such as the Belfast Welcome Centre don’t want to sell our paper.  This is a small, but excellent example of  government approach to the local economy. 

The State of our Democracy.

Willie Drennan

Since the last issue of The Ulster Folk the state of democracy has taken a turn for the worse. There is still no serious consideration by our present political to set up the most basic conditions for true democracy by facilitating an official opposition. All countries need this to ensure basic accountability and transparency in government: something seriously lacking at Stormont where they have postponed the next election for an extra year and given themselves a pay rise while the rest of the country is experiencing wage cuts.

On the bright side so many people are now understanding the extent of the failings of our present  political structure and it is inevitably only a matter of time before it all gets sorted. 

G8: A missed opportunity for Northern Ireland?

While we’ll never ever really know if the cost hosting of the G8 will ever pay back Northern Ireland in real   financial dividend: there was perhaps another type of opportunity missed. That was the opportunity for those Ulster Unionists and Irish Nationalists who distrust the policies of the world’s leaders to get together to say so. Instead the public protest was dominated by those with anti-Northern Ireland, as part of the United Kingdom, agendas.  We had a rare opportunity to agree on something and we missed it.

Identity in Confusion?

Willie Drennan

The problem is the media and government agents want to label and stick everybody in one of their boxes. They want to categorise everybody into groups where they can be pigeon-holed  and controlled.

For the record I am primarily an Ulsterman, who is an Ulster-Scot, Northern Irish, Irish and British. I can go further in geographical terms and claim to be European, a Northern Hemispherian (I may have just mad that word up) and a resident of Planet Earth who shares the space with all kinds of other people, animals and energies. 

 I am a libertarian-type, liberal-thinking Leftie: independently minded and with leanings to the Right.  I am an unorthodox, non-conformist dissenter and stand strongly and clearly for independence of speech, thought and identity.

The Twelfth Day

Willie Drennan

Growing up in Northern Ireland I looked forward to the Twelfth of July in the same way as I did Halloween and Christmas. As a child and a teenager, in pre ‘troubles’ time, I was aware that my Catholic friends and neighbours didn’t really celebrate the 12^th, but the fact that they would watch the parade, occasionally help collect materials for the bonfire,  or dance a jig under the Orange Arch suggested to me that it wasn’t really a big deal.

It wasn’t really until I left Northern Ireland to travel and work in other countries at the age of 21 years, that I realised the 12^th Day was projected across the world as a bigoted anti-Catholic event.  I couldn’t really understand this as the majority of those who participated in the Twelfth, that I personally knew, were not bigots: l but I had to do some soul-searching. For a period I was made to feel embarrassed and guilty for having ever enjoyed the music and fun. I could recall songs being sung in drunken exuberance that were most certainly offensive; but I arrived at the conclusion from examining other cultures with a very open mind, that every culture, class and creed has their extremist elements.

When I returned to NI in 1997 I was shocked at the level of animosity in the media, and among the middle-class good and great, towards the 12^th.  They were going on about narrow-minded bigots and I wondered when narrow-minded bigotry was not narrow-minded bigotry.

There are different aspects to this celebration and it means different things to different people. There are religious, political, cultural and social elements but - love it, or loath it - it is an exceptional indigenous cultural festival that Tourism Ireland should be promoting world-wide .  Here’s hoping for a sunny, spirited, peaceful, dignified Twelfth Day 2013: celebrated in a respectful manner and with due consideration for everyone in Northern Ireland.

Gee Eight!

Willie Drennan

 The G8: whose idea was it  for Northern Ireland to host it? How long will it take to reap return on investment costs for infrastructure and security? What costs will there be in relation to property damage and hospital bills? These are the questions many are asking in Northern Ireland, as well as: how many participants or protestors will come back To Fermanagh for holidays or conferences? One answer to that one might be: fenced-in security zones look and feel the same the world over; in the same way as malls and shopping centres are universally identical.

While it may be delusionary to think that somehow Northern Ireland, or the UK as a whole, might someday reap financial benefits from the hosting of the G8: it at least gives us the opportunity to tell our local politicians that enough is enough.  It offers us the opportunity to tell governments that we are wising-up, we are catching them on and that we no longer want to vote for global, big corporation controlled politics. 

 One thing for sure nothing will emerge from this G8 conference that will help establish sustainable regeneration of our local economy:  those who currently control the world’s wealth will not suddenly throw it all away to local independent inter-connected enterprises. They won’t allow small-time independent thinkers, who chose not to be subservient to the system, to disrupt their global grip on power and wealth. Post G8, our local Stormont politicians will still go off gallivanting across the world over advancing the global economy to the detriment of our local independent growth. We will still be buying cheap foreign clothes, food and furniture instead of creating an innovative low-carbon, low dependence, locally-centred economic strategy.

The best we can hope for out of this is a greater exposure, through social media and independent bloggers, as to how we are led like sheep to fulfil wealth expansion for the almighty global landlords.  It really is time for people to send out the message to the powerful that we have caught them on and we all want change. There is no excuse any longer to believe everything the government and their media tell us. 

G8 Protests: Is there any point?

          

People have every right to street-protests, marches, rock concerts and parties. There are very legitimate reasons for protest against global control of our economies by the few, the great, the wealthy and the powerful. There is justification in exposing international exploitation: of poor workers in poorer countries, the manipulation of mindsets and bribing of the masses in wealthier nations. These are the people responsible for creating the artificial global economic boom that sucked in so many. When the boom’s bubble burst, as orchestrated, these are the people who walked away with power and wealth intact leaving millions to flounder in subservience to the system. 

Protesting can be good, partying and bonding in celebration with kindred spirits is good. But once it turns to violence that damages local property and further disrupts our local economy then the plot gets lost: the genuine message of the protest is diluted enabling the G8 folk to write-off protesters, and complainers as irrational delinquents. This has led many to ask if there is any point protesting against the G8 at all: is it actually counter-productive?  

If I thought it would help in any way I to sort out our economic woes - or even if I was just confident that I wasn’t  in any way enabling either the Gee Eighters or opportunistic rabble rousers - I  would strap on my Lambeg drum and join the angry mob.

A Perspective of East Belfast

Willie Drennan

From late October to mid-December I was involved in a project in Dee Street Community Centre: just around the corner from some of the worst rioting that took place in connection with the ‘Flag Protests’.  The aim of the project, run by the Belfast Photo Festival, was to portray the consciousness of the people of East Belfast by examining how their social, cultural and working environment had influenced their sense of identity and community.

 Working with master photographer Jim Maginn the end result was the publication of a booklet entitled ‘Bacon, Butter and Belfast’ and exhibitions of the photographs taken by the participants: one of which is at the Holywood Arches Library until the end of March.  The eleven participants, carefully chosen by project coordinator Johanna Leech and Engage With Age; were all brilliant characters who possessed a wealth of historic lore and understood the nuances and subtle language of their community. 

Historic themes included much focus on the war years; the devastation of the Blitz, the evacuations, the news of those killed in action, food rationing and smuggling. There were depictions of the home, street, work-place, shops, markets, churches, pubs and dance-halls; of pigeon fanciers, rag and bone men, fishmongers and lamplighters: tales of romance, recreation, hard-times and fun-times. 
  The War Years: the blitz, evacuations, ration books and butter smugglers. 
 There were the family stories of the dreaded knocks on the doors of the terraced houses during World War One: the knocks that might result in the receipt of a telegram.  The telegrams would ultimately explain that another young son would not be coming home from such places as Thiepval, Picardy and Flanders.

 Surprisingly many of the group were of such an age as to have personal memories of Belfast during World War Two. The German Bomb Blitz in 1941 saw a scale of death and destruction that most of us alive today cannot fully comprehend. Many in the group did though; they knew where the bombs fell, they remember the fear, the smells and the sounds of the sirens. They remembered the stories of hundreds of bodies, and remains of bodies being spread out on the floor of St George’s Market for identification. They recalled that the Lower Newtownards Road was seriously damaged and provided one lasting image of a bombed graveyard that they reckon then existed just around the corner from the Dee Street Community Centre.  The image was of exposed human bones brought to surface by the bomb-shattered, uprooted earth.
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Many of the participants had experienced being evacuated to farms far away from Belfast. They all talked positively of life on the farms and exposure to a completely different lifestyle and food: including the consumption of animal parts not normally available in East Belfast butcher shops. 
During World War Two and up until 1952 rationing books were a reality of life.  Butter, bacon and sugar were among the rationed food items and this led to colourful tales of smuggling across the border. It was common in those times for people from East Belfast to take train rides to Dublin for the purpose of purchasing those food items.  One tale was of customs officers at Newry inviting travellers inside to warm up in the station waiting room.  There by the fireside, the butter, that was often concealed inside clothing and close to private body parts sometimes melted and flowed down legs to the floor: by this method custom officers detected customs-duty evaders.
The Workers of Yester-year.
The blacksmith; the cobbler, tailor, baker, seamstress, rag-and-bone man, coal-man, milk-man, bread-man, and the fishmonger: shouting out that the herrings in his hand-cart were alive, have more or less now disappeared from the streets of East Belfast. 
Also long-gone is the sight of the gas-lamplighter. The lamplighters were also known as the ‘rapper-uppers’: they lit the lamps at dusk and as they walked around extinguishing them at dawn they ‘rapped-up’ those who needed a wake-up call for work.
Some traditional-style tradesmen do still exist: the odd milkman and Ronnie Graham, the Portavogie fishmonger who still supplies the outskirts of East Belfast in his van.
The Rope Works and factories; mills, foundries and The Yard.
Since the Industrial Revolution East Belfast had been a hub of industry which gave employment to the people who lived there. The mills and factories were not just the workplace however but the social hub as well: where friends met friends, lovers met lovers and where ultimately many met their partners for life.
It was acknowledged that shipbuilding had been the most significant industry in East Belfast for many generations. Apart from tales of Titanic there was discussion on HMS Caroline, HMS Laurentic, and HMS Belfast. Nicknames in the workplace were common. There was a bit of dispute over the popular tale of ‘Sammy No More’ and whether Sammy worked in Harland and Wolf’s or in Mackie’s Foundry: men just like Sammy probably in all Belfast factories.
 Sammy Morrison didn’t have a nick-name until the day he was promoted to foreman. On that day some of his work-mates shouted over, “Hey Sammy!” Sammy replied, “From this day on you lot will call me Mr Morrison: I’m Sammy no more”.  From that day on he was referred to as ‘Sammy No More’.
 The Markets, Abattoirs and Piggeries.
 The trading of cattle, sheep, pigs, chickens and horses was once a chief employer of people in Ballymacarrett and the Markets area. St George’s Market was the focal point of activity but there were abattoirs, piggeries and processing factories throughout the area.  Cattle-droving was a common site over the Albert Bridge. Occasionally the cattle would stampede.  The locals didn’t know if they were bulls, bullocks, cows or heifers; but being street-wise they ran for their lives anyway.
Wee Shops and Wee Pubs
Wee corner shops selling groceries and sweeties are now a rare site in any town or city.  Along with post-offices, butchers,  home-bakeries,  hair-dressers and barbers, newsagents, hardware shops, drapers,  and shoe shops  they were, not only the basis of the local retail economy, but were also  social gathering places.  The customers knew the local owners and the updates on the local gossip obtained in these establishments were often as important as the purchase of the goods.  These businesses sustained the essence of the community but have been rapidly vanishing from the landscape in recent times: replaced by multi-national superstores and chains.
Public Houses too were in abundance: the ultimate venue for a bit of crack and escape from the toils and tribulations of life.
 The Terraced House and the Grander Edifice.
More important than the places of work, than the shops and the pubs were the homes.  Until the late 20^th century most people in East Belfast would have lived in streets of brick terraced houses where everyone knew their neighbours. Front doors were seldom locked and neighbours walked in and out of each other’s homes, quite often without knocking on the door.
Even more important to many were the spiritual sanctuaries and places of worship.  To accommodate the strong religious convictions of this community scores of churches, of several denominations, were built throughout East Belfast.  In this part of Belfast you don’t have to walk too far before coming across a traditional stone church: standing in testimony to the traditional faith of the people.  
 The Shoreline and Rivers
Victoria Park breaks up the landscape of industry and airport that dominates the western shoreline of Belfast Lough: an oasis of tranquillity amidst all the hustle and the bustle.  Much of this land has been reclaimed in recent times as the place-names and street-names of Short Strand, Long Strand, Strandtown, Sandown and Strandburn confirm. 
Parts of the shoreline today however remain a haven for walkers, naturalists, artists and beachcombers. 
The Rivers, Connswater, Loop and Knock flow through East Belfast while the River Lagan marks it boundary.  The rivers were traditionally used for transportation and operating mill-wheels.
   The Monuments and Murals. 
Murals and monuments are prevalent in East Belfast highlighting a community scarred by two world wars and the recent ‘troubles’.
Beyond the mural and the monument to a troubled past there dwells a warm welcoming community, full of humour and passionate tales of life: a community as sincere as any other in their quest for peace and harmony.
 Famous Folk of the East. 
Place names and street names refer to famous people once connected to East Belfast, such as Conn O’Neill and Colonel Pottinger.
Of more significance today perhaps is that in East Belfast an airport has recently been named after one of its most prominent sons.  George Best developed his skills by kicking a ball around the streets of the Cregagh Estate: there can be no better way of acknowledging his international fame by naming an international airport after him. The work of novelist, CS Lewis and his connection to East Belfast is celebrated on a mural in Convention Court, off Ballymacarrett Road, and on a statue outside Holywood Arches Library. Clive Staples Lewis was born in 1898 on Dundela Avenue.
It has to be only a matter of time before prominent landmarks and murals in East Belfast celebrate another famous son, Van the Man. ‘Cypress Avenue’, ‘Orangefield’ and ‘The Hollow’ ring exotic in the ears of music lovers all over the world, due to the work of George Ivan Morrison of Hyndford Street.