Stormont Election 2016

Questions for candidates in North Antrim.

Since returning to Northern Ireland in 1997 I‘ve be living at the end of a very long lane. In these past 19 years no politician has ever wandered down my long winding lane to solicit a vote from me. I do not take this personal as they could probably canvas about 20 individuals on their door steps in the time it would take to visit me.  I nevertheless do feel a bit disadvantaged as I don’t get to quiz the election candidates on some important issues. The postman does make it down my lane and does deliver some propaganda literature from some of the candidates. But they are usually an unconvincing read and to date don’t seem to address all the important issues. So I thought I would make it easier for the candidates, who I’m sure would love to get a vote from me – or anybody else.

I’m asking the election candidates for North Antrim to respond to 3 questions online and I will use any answers I receive to decide how to vote. I am working out my own point scoring system based on answers I receive, or don’t receive.  I can fully appreciate just how busy they all must be so I’ve made it simple by just requesting YES or NO answers.

1/ The first issue is something that many candidates will argue has nothing to do with regional elections. For me however it is important to understand where each candidate stands on the EU Referendum. This referendum will be the most crucial vote that we will have to make in our lifetime. It is arguably more of an issue for Westminster than Stormont but I want to know where each candidate stands before I cast my vote.  I can’t recall what decisions, if any, were made by the last Stormont government, and regardless of what decisions they may, or may not, make in the next few years it will remain the case that most important decisions which affect Northern Ireland will either be made in Westminster, or in Brussels:  as is presently the case. I therefore want to be sure that any politician I may help elect has the wherewithal to understand the complexities of our current membership of the EU. I am particularly interested to know if they are prepared to vote according to their personal beliefs over party policies on this issue.

The basic question is: will you be supporting Brexit and voting Leave on June 23^rd?

[Note: candidates who get this question right will get extra points]

2/ One of the fundamentals of accountable, transparent, democratic government is official opposition.

 Do you enthusiastically support the establishment of an Official Opposition Coalition and would you be willing to join such a voluntary coalition: to hold to account the current mandatory coalition that controls Stormont?

3/ The issue of Anti- Abortion versus Pro-choice issue is massive in Northern Ireland. This is because our politicians want to have different laws here than we have in the rest of the UK. This means that hundreds of young women travel to Britain each year because they believe that their unwanted pregnancy will be seriously detrimental to their lives. It is also the case where some women in this position, who can’t afford the travel costs, terminate their pregnancies illegally. They can be criminalised for this.

I do understand those politicians who, due to deeply held religious convictions, want to have separate laws in Northern Ireland. There is some validity in the claim that the UK 1967 Abortion Act is abused to some extent on the mainland. But the current situation in Northern Ireland is ludicrous: it is legal for a woman to travel to any other part of the UK to have an abortion and yet she cannot get one in her part of the UK. This deprives many Northern Irish women of basic British rights and freedom of choice.  The current political stalemate is causing division and bitterness.

 I believe Stormont should look at implementing the 1967 Abortion Act while those who have difficulties with aspects of it campaign to have the act amended throughout the UK. Surely from a Christian perspective this would be a more worthy plan of action than just simply accepting the status quo for Northern Ireland in isolation? Surely Christian values are as just as important in other parts of the UK as they are here? Surely the life of the ‘unborn child’ is just as important in the mainland as it is in Northern Ireland?

So basic question is: would you support the possibility of adopting the UK’s 1967 Abortion Act in Northern Ireland - if appropriate amendments could be made to that act in the rest of the UK?

Rabbie Burns 1759—1796:
The Pride of Ulster-Scots

The poet Rabbie Burns is often described as the Scottish National Bard, and quite understandably so. But Burns, like Shakespeare and Joyce, was certainly studied and admired far out beyond his homeland and by people of completely different ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds. No wonder, as he was a great liver of life and lover of life - had profound insights into humanity and an uncanny ability to express this orally and in writing. You can see why in Northern Ireland in recent times, and with Northern Ireland being Northern Ireland, there have been expressions of hostility at the enthusiastic celebrations of Rabbie Burns in the month of January by “Ulster-Scots” groups.

Ulster-Scots enthusiasts have been accused of claiming Burns as their own, while not understanding the man and not sharing his values. As a Burns enthusiast myself, and someone who identifies himself as an Ulster-Scot, I certainly have not come across, anyone of similar ilk to myself, who does not fully understand the universal appeal of Burns and who has ever made any claims of ownership on the works of Burns. This does not mean however, that we Ulster-Scots, should feel guilty in any way, for embracing and fervently celebrating the birthday of one of the greatest writers of all time, just because we happen to share ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds and have had similar political and philosophical ideals.

Now, I certainly do not think I have any more right than others to embrace Burns, as I wouldn’t want anyone telling me that I shouldn’t celebrate the works of Leonard Cohen and Bob Dylan because I’m not of North American Jewish stock. On the other hand though, we need to examine the reasons for this particular love of Burns, among many Ulster-Scots today.

First of all, it should be recognized, that many of the inhabitants of Ulster during Burns’ lifetime were descendants of recent settlers who had come over from Burns’ part of Scotland. In 1786, just after the first edition of Burns’ poems and songs was published in Kilmarnock, his verses began to appear regularly in the Belfast Newsletter . A year later a second edition was published in Belfast by James Magee and so his works became widely discussed, verses were quoted and his songs were sung in many parts of Ulster.

The Ayrshire ploughman had won the hearts of kindred spirits in Ulster - several of whom made special trips across the sheugh in hopes of meeting the literary genius in person. A shared religion, by many, was no doubt a factor in the Ulster response to Burns. He was a Presbyterian, as were most of the Scottish settlers. At the time of Burns, the church in Scotland saw great conflict between the auld licht and the new licht and Burns got right into the fray through his poems and letters. This was also the cause of much theological debate in Ulster at the time.

Of more significance however, was the shared attitude- the philosophical ideals. This is best seen in the commonality of political viewpoints. Burns was a supporter of the values of King William III. On November 5th, 1788, he attended a church centennial commemoration of the landing of William at Torbay. Afterwards, in a letter, he spoke of the Stuarts and addressed “the folly of their attempts in 1715 and 1745” and followed with “that they failed I bless my God most fervently but cannot join in the ridicule against them”. Ay, Burns was firm in his political beliefs and yet liberal and hence his enthusiastic support for the American Revolution. In the same letter he said, “I dare say, the American Congress, in 1776, will be allowed to have been as able and as enlightened, and, a whole empire will say, as honest, as the English Convention in 1688; and that on the 4th of July will be as sacred to their posterity as the 5th of November is to us.”

It is obvious why the Ulster-Scots of his time, would have echoed these sentiments. The “Scotch-Irish” are attributed with being the chief instigators and to being at the forefront of all the stages of the American Revolution.

Burns was also vociferous in his support of the French Revolution – a dangerous stance to take at the time. The spirit of the American and French Revolutions, inspired his famous revolutionary song, “A Man’s a Man for A’ That” with such lines as
“The honest man, tho e’er sae poor
Is King o men for a that”
and
“The man o independent mind
He looks an laughs at a that”
and
“ For a that, an a that,
It’s comin yet for a that,
That man to man the world o’er
Shall brithers be for a that.”

Again, the similarity with opinion and passion in Ulster is clear - the success of the French Revolution was celebrated on the streets of Belfast and as a consequence, Belfast Presbyterians formed the United Irishmen Society in 1791.

After the French Revolution, Britain came under threat of attack from the New French regime and Burns joined the Dumfries Volunteers. The Dumfries Volunteers were formed to defend the region against the possible French attack and so on first consideration, there would appear to be a contradiction of scruples here with Burns - but not so. While Burns supported the revolutionary ideals and goals of the French, he saw himself as a “Briton” and was opposed to the French threat on Britain against the will of the people. In a song created for the Dumfries Volunteers, he wrote,
“But while we sing, God Save The King,
We’ll ne’er forget The People!”

Again, there are obvious parallels with the historic struggles of the Ulster-Scots people - British, yet always at odds with the British Establishment and prepared to fight for or against that establishment depending on what offered the greatest threat to the freedom and democratic rights of “the people.” Too much emphasis could be placed on Burns’ political ideals, however; no doubt they were not the main draw to the average Burns enthusiast in Ulster. What makes Burns stand out from most other great poets, was that he lived life to its absolute fullest. While other academics can portray the wonders of life in beautiful language as a result of their observation and communication skills - Burns went out there and got into the thick of it. His social relationships and interactions were exceptional by any standards, and the extent of his sexual relationships with women was outrageous. He was therefore able to provide great insight into the delicacies, perplexities, calamities, follies and profundities of life, with honest emotion.

Many of Burns’ poems and songs were in a vernacular that included an extensive use of Scots words and grammar. Very little of the subtleties and great humour would have been lost, therefore, on the average reader of Burns in Ulster - familiar with the Scots language.

When I was growing up in rural County Antrim in the 1950’s and ‘60’s, the poems and songs of Burns, could still be heard - handed down through the generations by admirers of his work. In more recent years, this appreciation of Burns has been on the wane, due obviously to the change in cultural focus as a result of modern communications, and the popularisation and commercialisation of an Irish culture that did not include Burns.

The revival of interest in “Ulster-Scots” in Northern Ireland, is certainly helping to bring back an awareness of Burns, but unfortunately, and understandably, this is an irritant to those Burns’ enthusiasts in Ulster who do not want to identify with Ulster-Scots. There is certainly some justification to arguments I have heard them make, that the majority of the people who attend formal Burns’ functions, do not fully understand what he was about - and if they did, they wouldn’t be there. It is also perhaps reasonable to assume that Rabbie himself annually turns in his grave on January 25th at the conservative nature, pretentious perhaps, of traditional Burns’ Suppers. I personally believe that he couldn’t care less and is more likely to be doing a wee dance on top of his grave, lepin up and doon in glee at the fact that so many people, of such different creeds and stations, are using the date of his birthday as an excuse for a hooley - regardless of what fashion they do it in. There is such a thing as just getting into the spirit of it all and as a matter of fact, wouldn’t it be great, if everyone in Northern Ireland, could tune into the spirit of what Burns was all about. I think then, there could be real hope that we would have at least a greater mutual understanding of each other
- o wad some power the

giftie gie us

tae see oorsels as

ithers see us!

The meanings of the present day, popular, phrases, such as “mutual respect”, “parity of esteem”, “tolerance” and “equal opportunity” , are all thoroughly addressed in the works of Burns and the negatives - “bigotry”, “intolerance” and “elitism” are creatively exposed and ridiculed - as they should be...
“Oh ye, wha are sae guid yoursel,
Sae pious and sae holy,
Ye’ve nought to do but mark and tell
Your neebours’ fauts and folly;”

 

Who Gets My Vote? EU Elections 2014

Willie Drennan

I am not a member of, nor do I align myself with, any political party; but I do vote. I do not vote for the politician or the party that I agree with the most, but rather, for whoever agrees with me the most. When I’m not too sure, I tend to vote for those parties that have absolutely no chance of getting elected: the rationale being that I will have a clear conscience when the elected proceed to work on behalf of the powerful global super-rich, who facilitated their election, instead of working on behalf of the people who voted for them.

The Scottish Referendum: the potential divorce.

Willie Drennan

On May 2^nd, I attended a presentation on the upcoming Scottish Referendum at Queens University Belfast. It was delivered by Dr Michael Rosie of University of Edinburgh.

 [Dr Rosie is Senior Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Edinburgh and Director of the University’s Institute of Governance. Dr Rosie specialises in studying the political sociology of Scotland.  The event was facilitated by Professor John Brewer of the Institute for the Study of Conflict Transformation and Social Justice at Queens].

  Dr Rosie is a man well-versed on the subject matter of anything Scottish. His presentation was delivered with great ease, comprehensive and quite entertaining. No pretentions with this academic: excellent lunchtime entertainment.

Irish Cup Final: Time to ban noise at Windsor Park?

The Irish Cup Final 2014 between Ballymena United and Glenavon was a positive for Irish League football. The standard of football may have been generally poor as both teams seemed jittery on the big occasion, but the game was entertaining: the atmosphere and enthusiasm on the day was brilliant.

In Ballymena the build-up to the final had been passionate and infectious and apparently it was exactly the same in Lurgan. Thousands travelled to the city from the two towns and a great day was had by all. Even for us Ballymena United fans, disappointed with the result, the overall  experience was nonetheless very positive. Well done to both clubs and to the Irish Football Association.

Just a couple of points for the IFA though. Firstly, I’ve heard of the frustration of many football fans who wanted to attend the final as neutrals but they couldn’t easily find tickets. The Irish Cup Finals are great occasions and hopefully when the new Railway stand is built at Windsor Park the IFA will take this into consideration.

Secondly: is it just me or did anyone else find the obnoxiously loud pre-match amplified music, not only unnecessary but irrelevant, irritating and frustrating?   Both sets of fans turned up in their thousands well before kick-off: they just wanted to sing and let off steam. The Ballymena fans were in full voice and it looked as if Glenavon fans were doing the same but I couldn’t hear them at all.

There was also a pipe band hired to play the pre-match entertainment but I couldn’t hear them either:  except for the first two notes of the national anthem before the crowd began singing along. No doubt the pipe band was very good. No doubt if we could have heard the Glenavon fans singing it could have allowed for some good-natured back and forth banter. Even Alan Simpson's entertaining pre-match and half-time commentary could have done without the musical breaks  being set at such high decibels.

I have experienced the same levels of amplified noise interfering with the atmosphere before Northern Ireland international games. Occasionally it works okay when they play songs like Sweet Caroline or the Jackie Fullerton version of We’re not Brazil and the crowd sings along.  But, it really is unnecessary. Northern Ireland fans do not require any prompting to sing.

Can the IFA do anything about this or do we need to apply to the European Union to have this noise pollution banned?

Time for Opposition Coalition?

 

Willie Drennan

The flag dispute has managed to highlight the fact that there is clearly a growing disconnect with our government, and yet no real opportunity to vote in an official opposition: as is the norm in the Western world. While Abuse of Power by government in London, Dublin, Brussels and Washington has been exposed in recent times; there prevails in Northern Ireland a confident sense of immunity. This is due to a fear in London, Dublin, Brussels and Washington, and Belfast, that if the Ulster political boat starts to rock we’ll all start shoving each other overboard again. Best to turn the blind eye.

The reasons for the recent decision at City Hall and emotional ‘flag protests’ have much to do with the cultural war-game that has been raging in Northern Ireland since the Big Agreement of 1998: a cultural war-game that is not going to end as long as we have a political institution, that by its structure and it’s nature, depends on and thrives on Orange and Green division. We all agree we can never go back to a situation where a Unionist/Protestant party dominates over an opposition Nationalist/Catholic party but equally we shouldn’t tolerate the potential for 50 years of misrule by a closed-shop ‘coalition’.

 An opposition coalition, of course, would not only have to include those with British and All-Ireland aspirations but also the so-called Left and the so-called Right; the Liberals and the Radicals, and significantly those from  working-class backgrounds who presently feel unrepresented.  It would definitely be a strange fusion of folk but no stranger than the strange bedfellows currently at Stormont.

The Opposition Coalition would need to be in agreement on a creative economic strategy that would be supportive of local sustainable enterprise, without feeling the need to sell off Ulster’s heart and soul to far-off foreign corporations. It would need to have the common goal of providing an accountable, transparent form of government for all of the people. While respecting everyone’s political aspirations there would need to be an agreement to put the constitutional issue to bed for a reasonable period to allow for regeneration of a confident and stable economy. 

There is no reason for confidence that a new ‘coalition’ at Stormont would do any better at governing than the present ‘coalition’. Many of the present establishment are professional and sincere enough in their approach to politics: but nonetheless, they are part of the murky world of party-politics that necessitates keeping the head down at times; and saying nothing about unethical goings-on. 

What we the electorate would gain though, would be the basic right of opportunity to vote for real change at election time.  It would probably take a few elections to get it sorted as those in power seem comfortable with the present carve-up: they have the cash and the big corporate connections to fuel their election campaigns and keep things as they are. In the interim we could hope to edge-open some doors of transparency for the present ‘coalition’ at Stormont - and for all those on their pay-roll.

 

United States of the Atlantic Isles?

 

 By Willie Drennan [From Issue 11 of the Ulster Folk}]

 

Fifteen years on from the Big Agreements as we each try to decipher the Good Friday, Belfast or St Andrews versions: as we listen to the experts deliver their indisputable analysis on what it all clearly means; in contradiction to other experts, is it time to think outside the box?

 

Okay ‘outside the box’ is an over-used buzz term these days but we really do need to get out of the boxes that the government, or governments, have stuck us in. There really is not much glimmer of hope just now as the powerful ‘who call the shots’ are happiest when the local tribes are at each other’s throats. It keeps them in power: keeps their employees on big salaries and pensions, keeps the Peace and Conflict Industries afloat.  Any genuine move to a harmonious free tolerant society is not going to come from any of the five main parties at Stormont: they simply have too much invested. We don’t even have an official opposition to address the lack of basic accountability and  transparency.

I’ve had notions for many years now, notions too idealistic and off the wall for me to even think about putting out there: but ever since an IRA commander and a Free Presbyterian commander became partners in government and close buddies, perhaps my ideas might now be entertained by some.

If you examine the history of the British Isles and then pause to wonder why we are where we are today, most of us will probably conclude that we just been pawns in the big game of chess played out by the lusters of power and the masters of war. And there really is no end to 400 years of conflict and division in sight until we all fully grasp this.

It is interesting what is happening in Scotland with the referendum, and how even the thought of the break-up of the United Kingdom gets the other regions all fired up.  Then there are the calls for a UK referendum on the EU, not to mention Sinn Fein’s call for an Irish border poll. Is it time to consider a new political alignment of the British Isles (that’s a geographical term, not trying to get political here)? There’s no chance of a Dublin controlled United Ireland that would be separate from the rest of the British Isles. Absolutely no chance. For one thing it’s too late now as we are all starting to understand that the capital city of a new United Ireland would be Brussels, not Dublin anyway.

I understand those in Ireland who feel it is important to respect their forefathers who fought for liberty for Ireland: but I don’t think their ancestors would be too happy about how the cause they fought for has evolved. Similarly those of us in Ulster who had ancestors who fought and died for our right to freedom will wonder if it was all worthwhile defending Derry, charging at the Somme or taking on the IRA. 

What we need is a dream that we can aspire to where there are no winners and no losers. Okay that’s too idealistic: there always have to be losers, but the losers should only be the handful who haven’t had the foresight to jump ship and join the revolution before they get booted out.

So, can we explore the possibility of a new political alignment of the British Isles?   I’m even willing to leave out the British geographical bit and just call it the Atlantic Isles or something. Is this too radical of a notion in these times when it looks like the United Kingdom is in for an overhaul whether we want it or not? Is it too much to ponder the notion that people in Ireland just might be better off having a federal-style government arrangement with its closest neighbours and ancient kinfolk – with real potential for a high degree of self-determination?  Would it really be out of the question for the people of Northern Ireland to have a mutual agreement with the wonderful folk across the Irish Border?

 

Okay for those of you who are still hinging in there with me, if only for amusement, what would you have to lose?  In Ulster we would get to celebrate the Twelfth in an atmosphere of tolerance -The Sash or Fields of Athenry causing offence to nobody - the Twelfth even in Dublin perhaps as Ireland gives the go ahead to promote its other distinct and rich culture. We could jointly sell our rich diversified culture world wide: we could make our own clothes and furniture again, promote our own food; we would never again feel the need to sell our souls to big foreign masters of wealth and war.  We could figure out minor details like the Royal Family, European Landlords and the Euro later.

 

The big winners would be the next generation.  Well okay then: anyone got a better idea?