Monday 21 October 2013

Parameters for Parades and Common Sense


Parameters for Parades and Common Sense.

 

Dear Dr Haass and Dr O’Sullivan

 Here is my proposal for guidelines on parading in Northern Ireland.

 In any free society: all citizens, including those of minority cultures, should be facilitated to allow public celebration of their culture. Appropriate restrictions however should be set in place where parades clearly set out to be offensive, or when, within the realms of common sense determination, would truly cause genuine offence.

 Traditional cultural parades should be allowed to proceed along main arterial routes, provided they are conducted peacefully and are respectful to the rest of society.

Restrictions should be imposed in special circumstances where noise or travel disruption would  interfere with other previously organised events, or seriously impede the function of business and commerce.

Restrictions may also be considered necessary, particularly on parade supporters, if a parade passes the homes of residents who can demonstrate the potential for serious impediment of their daily lives as a direct result. 

Non-traditional parades should be treated with the same guidelines unless they clearly set out to be provocative.

A sensible parameter would be that any commemoration dealing with the highly sensitive recent ‘troubles’ should be dealt with separately and potentially have extra restrictions imposed. Where necessary such commemorations should be restricted to areas where the community is clearly supportive and registers no objection.

 Restrictions on parades may also be necessary if symbolism relating to recent ‘troubles’ is displayed. 

Parade participants, and protesters, who step outside imposed government restrictions will of course be breaking the law of the land and should be dealt with accordingly.

 The playing of tunes, without lyrics being sung, cannot logically be deemed offensive as lyrics of songs have been in perpetual transformation throughout history: throughout the country, throughout the world; and this will continue to be the case.  The singing of offensive lyrics by parade participants or supporters is of course illegal when deliberately sung to offend.

 Guidelines on parading should be issued in a clear straightforward language and implemented equally across the board for all our citizens. Sheer common sense should be used to determine what is acceptable and what is truly offensive to others.

 Similarly, sheer common sense should be applied to determine which claims of ‘offence’ are  legitimate, and which claims are spurious and contrived for purposes of mischief.  While many claims have had validity, spurious claims have been a significant factor in much of the contention over parades.  There can be no lasting resolution of the problem if our authorities, and media, remain in denial of this fact.

Violent disruption of peaceful, legal, annual traditional parades should not be rewarded. Annual parades that are attacked should not be restricted the following year due to the threat of further violence from the attackers. To date, this policy by the Parades Commission has clearly encouraged and perpetuated increased violent protest.

Final decisions on individual parades should be the ultimate responsibility of our elected representatives. If common sense, peaceful resolutions cannot be achieved our government should be held accountable. 

Should it still be considered necessary to appoint a Parades Commission perhaps this should be in advisory role and not as a determining body, as is presently the case. Their function in this capacity would be to clearly define the parameters for parading and protests in a manner that would enable consistently fair implementation by PSNI.

In order to achieve government accountability the system of government in Northern Ireland needs transforming to allow for an Official Opposition Coalition that can publicly hold the governing coalition to account.  Considering the unique situation of Northern Ireland, and the need for cross-community agreement, this should still be achievable as the constitutional issue is currently redundant.

To conclude, I believe that lasting solutions for issues of parading, symbolism and the flying of our national flag, can best be resolved by re-examining and clarifying the language of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The spirit of that agreement has been lost due to the creative but ambiguous language used.

In the meantime we trust that the findings and recommendation of this independent tribunal will steer us a down a new road; a road that leads to a society which embraces tolerance and mutual respect. 

Sincerely

Willie Drennan

 

 

 

 

 

Tuesday 15 October 2013

Queries on Scottish Referendum.




By Willie Drennan: Editor of The Ulster Folk

On September 18th2014, a referendum will determine whether or not Scotland will separate from the rest of the UK. While we need to respect the right of the Scottish people to vote how ever they choose on this issue, the rest of who would still remain in the UK after a YES vote, should probably start thinking what that would mean for us.

At the moment there seems to be a lot of confusion, within and outside Scotland, on just what an independent Scotland and the break-up of the United Kingdom would mean. This is undoubtedly the reason why a large chunk of Scottish people are currently unclear on which way they will vote. I think it reasonable for those of us who could soon be regarded as foreigners to the Scot to start asking questions.

 I plan to contact various political groups and activist groups in Scotland to see if they can provide any insight on the following queries. Any responses will be reported in upcoming issues of The Ulster Folk.

1. Would an independent Scotland be a republic or would it remain connected to the British monarchy? [Assuming the old Jacobite cause is no longer relevant]

2. Would Scotland apply to become part of the EU?

3. Would they plan to join the Euro?

4. Should the UK vote to leave the EU would this influence Scotland’s approach to the EU?

5. Would Scotland have its own defence force: army, navy and air force?

6. Would Scotland remain part of the British Commonwealth?

7. Where would the international border be with Northern Ireland?

8. How would this effect fishing rights/mineral rights etc.?

9. What effect would this have on UK citizens who currently reside, work or attend universities in Scotland: especially if one nation is part of EU and the other isn’t?

10. Should a Scottish region, such as the Orkneys and Shetlands, or even Dumfries and Galloway, vote decidedly to remain part of the UK, would they have the option of separating from Scotland and remaining in the UK?

  I’m sure more issues that could impact the rest of the UK will arise.

Wednesday 9 October 2013

Marie Stopes in Belfast

The abortion issue is uniting many Protestants and Roman Catholics while creating division within the flocks: the ‘wise’ keeping their heads down, saying nothing until they are a mile out of town. Writing from out of town I am wondering if the silver lining in the story of Marie Stopes setting up shop here in Belfast is that it will bring focus on clarifying what our local legislation says on the matter.

 As in all issues of dispute and conflict there is usually legitimacy in the fundamental views of both factions. The views of the pro-life/anti-abortion lobbyists are of course valid when they explain that following conception a life force is created and any deliberate termination of that life force in the womb amounts to a killing: there are very few of us today who would not have seriously resented anyone who had attempted to interfere with our right to the magic of life when we were still in the womb. The enthusiasm of the pro-lifers is based on their deeply held Christian convictions, but I have two questions. Firstly, is there not something that goes against the essence of Christianity in always seeking to forbid the right of choice to a woman in the dilemma of having a pregnancy, that may result in harm to her own life or that of the new-born child? Secondly (to Unionist pro-lifers) is there not something fundamentally un-British about people here not being afforded the same rights and freedoms of choice as people in the rest of the UK? Only asking.