Monday, 21 October 2013

Parameters for Parades and Common Sense


Parameters for Parades and Common Sense.

 

Dear Dr Haass and Dr O’Sullivan

 Here is my proposal for guidelines on parading in Northern Ireland.

 In any free society: all citizens, including those of minority cultures, should be facilitated to allow public celebration of their culture. Appropriate restrictions however should be set in place where parades clearly set out to be offensive, or when, within the realms of common sense determination, would truly cause genuine offence.

 Traditional cultural parades should be allowed to proceed along main arterial routes, provided they are conducted peacefully and are respectful to the rest of society.

Restrictions should be imposed in special circumstances where noise or travel disruption would  interfere with other previously organised events, or seriously impede the function of business and commerce.

Restrictions may also be considered necessary, particularly on parade supporters, if a parade passes the homes of residents who can demonstrate the potential for serious impediment of their daily lives as a direct result. 

Non-traditional parades should be treated with the same guidelines unless they clearly set out to be provocative.

A sensible parameter would be that any commemoration dealing with the highly sensitive recent ‘troubles’ should be dealt with separately and potentially have extra restrictions imposed. Where necessary such commemorations should be restricted to areas where the community is clearly supportive and registers no objection.

 Restrictions on parades may also be necessary if symbolism relating to recent ‘troubles’ is displayed. 

Parade participants, and protesters, who step outside imposed government restrictions will of course be breaking the law of the land and should be dealt with accordingly.

 The playing of tunes, without lyrics being sung, cannot logically be deemed offensive as lyrics of songs have been in perpetual transformation throughout history: throughout the country, throughout the world; and this will continue to be the case.  The singing of offensive lyrics by parade participants or supporters is of course illegal when deliberately sung to offend.

 Guidelines on parading should be issued in a clear straightforward language and implemented equally across the board for all our citizens. Sheer common sense should be used to determine what is acceptable and what is truly offensive to others.

 Similarly, sheer common sense should be applied to determine which claims of ‘offence’ are  legitimate, and which claims are spurious and contrived for purposes of mischief.  While many claims have had validity, spurious claims have been a significant factor in much of the contention over parades.  There can be no lasting resolution of the problem if our authorities, and media, remain in denial of this fact.

Violent disruption of peaceful, legal, annual traditional parades should not be rewarded. Annual parades that are attacked should not be restricted the following year due to the threat of further violence from the attackers. To date, this policy by the Parades Commission has clearly encouraged and perpetuated increased violent protest.

Final decisions on individual parades should be the ultimate responsibility of our elected representatives. If common sense, peaceful resolutions cannot be achieved our government should be held accountable. 

Should it still be considered necessary to appoint a Parades Commission perhaps this should be in advisory role and not as a determining body, as is presently the case. Their function in this capacity would be to clearly define the parameters for parading and protests in a manner that would enable consistently fair implementation by PSNI.

In order to achieve government accountability the system of government in Northern Ireland needs transforming to allow for an Official Opposition Coalition that can publicly hold the governing coalition to account.  Considering the unique situation of Northern Ireland, and the need for cross-community agreement, this should still be achievable as the constitutional issue is currently redundant.

To conclude, I believe that lasting solutions for issues of parading, symbolism and the flying of our national flag, can best be resolved by re-examining and clarifying the language of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The spirit of that agreement has been lost due to the creative but ambiguous language used.

In the meantime we trust that the findings and recommendation of this independent tribunal will steer us a down a new road; a road that leads to a society which embraces tolerance and mutual respect. 

Sincerely

Willie Drennan

 

 

 

 

 

Tuesday, 15 October 2013

Queries on Scottish Referendum.




By Willie Drennan: Editor of The Ulster Folk

On September 18th2014, a referendum will determine whether or not Scotland will separate from the rest of the UK. While we need to respect the right of the Scottish people to vote how ever they choose on this issue, the rest of who would still remain in the UK after a YES vote, should probably start thinking what that would mean for us.

At the moment there seems to be a lot of confusion, within and outside Scotland, on just what an independent Scotland and the break-up of the United Kingdom would mean. This is undoubtedly the reason why a large chunk of Scottish people are currently unclear on which way they will vote. I think it reasonable for those of us who could soon be regarded as foreigners to the Scot to start asking questions.

 I plan to contact various political groups and activist groups in Scotland to see if they can provide any insight on the following queries. Any responses will be reported in upcoming issues of The Ulster Folk.

1. Would an independent Scotland be a republic or would it remain connected to the British monarchy? [Assuming the old Jacobite cause is no longer relevant]

2. Would Scotland apply to become part of the EU?

3. Would they plan to join the Euro?

4. Should the UK vote to leave the EU would this influence Scotland’s approach to the EU?

5. Would Scotland have its own defence force: army, navy and air force?

6. Would Scotland remain part of the British Commonwealth?

7. Where would the international border be with Northern Ireland?

8. How would this effect fishing rights/mineral rights etc.?

9. What effect would this have on UK citizens who currently reside, work or attend universities in Scotland: especially if one nation is part of EU and the other isn’t?

10. Should a Scottish region, such as the Orkneys and Shetlands, or even Dumfries and Galloway, vote decidedly to remain part of the UK, would they have the option of separating from Scotland and remaining in the UK?

  I’m sure more issues that could impact the rest of the UK will arise.

Wednesday, 9 October 2013

Marie Stopes in Belfast

The abortion issue is uniting many Protestants and Roman Catholics while creating division within the flocks: the ‘wise’ keeping their heads down, saying nothing until they are a mile out of town. Writing from out of town I am wondering if the silver lining in the story of Marie Stopes setting up shop here in Belfast is that it will bring focus on clarifying what our local legislation says on the matter.

 As in all issues of dispute and conflict there is usually legitimacy in the fundamental views of both factions. The views of the pro-life/anti-abortion lobbyists are of course valid when they explain that following conception a life force is created and any deliberate termination of that life force in the womb amounts to a killing: there are very few of us today who would not have seriously resented anyone who had attempted to interfere with our right to the magic of life when we were still in the womb. The enthusiasm of the pro-lifers is based on their deeply held Christian convictions, but I have two questions. Firstly, is there not something that goes against the essence of Christianity in always seeking to forbid the right of choice to a woman in the dilemma of having a pregnancy, that may result in harm to her own life or that of the new-born child? Secondly (to Unionist pro-lifers) is there not something fundamentally un-British about people here not being afforded the same rights and freedoms of choice as people in the rest of the UK? Only asking.

Tuesday, 17 September 2013

United States of the Atlantic Isles?


United States of the Atlantic Isles 

Willie Drennan

 

Fifteen years on from the Big Agreements as we each try to decipher the Good Friday, Belfast or St Andrews versions: as we listen to the experts deliver their indisputable analysis on what it all clearly means; in contradiction to other experts, is it time to think outside the box?

Okay ‘outside the box’ is an over-used buzz term these days but we really do need to get out of the boxes the government, or governments, have stuck us in. There really is not much glimmer of hope these days as the powerful ‘who call the shots’ are happiest when the local tribes are each other’s throats. It keeps them in power, keeps their employees on big salaries and pensions, keeps the Peace and Conflict Industries afloat.  Any genuine move to a harmonious free tolerant society is not going to come from any of the five main parties at Stormont: they simply have too much invested. We don’t even have an official opposition to address the lack of basic accountability and  transparency.

I’ve had notions for many years now, notions too idealistic and off the wall for me to even think about putting out there: but ever since an IRA commander and a Free Presbyterian commander became partners in government and close buddies, perhaps my ideas might now be entertained by some.

If you examine the history of the British Isles and then pause to wonder why we are where we are today, most of us will probably conclude that we just been pawns in the big game of chess played out by the lusters of power and the masters of war. And there really is no end to 400 years of conflict and division in sight until we all fully grasp this.

It’s getting scary in Scotland with the upcoming referendum and the potential break-up of the United Kingdom.  Then there are the calls for a UK referendum on the EU, not to mention Sinn Fein’s call for an Irish border poll: even though we all know there is now no chance of a Dublin controlled  united Ireland that could be separate from the rest of the British Isles. Is it time to consider a new political alignment of the British Isles?

I understand those in Ireland who feel it is important to respect their forefathers who fought for liberty for Ireland: but I don’t think their ancestors would be too happy about how the cause they fought for has evolved. Similarly those of us in Ulster who had ancestors who fought and died for our right to freedom will wonder if it was all worthwhile defending Derry, charging at the Somme or taking on the IRA. 

What we need is a dream that we can aspire to where there are no winners and no losers. Okay that’s too idealistic: there always have to be losers, but the losers should only be the few who haven’t had the foresight to jump ship before they get booted out.

So, can we explore the possibility of a new political alignment of the British Isles?   Is this too radical of a notion in these times when it looks like the United Kingdom is in for an overhaul whether we want it or not? Is it too much to ponder the notion that people in Ireland just might be better off having a federal-style government arrangement with its closest neighbours and ancient kinfolk: with real potential for a high degree of self-determination?  Would it really be out of the question for the people of Northern Ireland to have a mutual agreement with the wonderful folk across the Irish Border?

 

Okay for those of you who are still hinging in there with me, if only for amusement, what would you have to lose?  In Ulster we would get to celebrate the Twelfth in an atmosphere of tolerance - the Twelfth even in Dublin perhaps as Ireland gives the go ahead to promote its other distinct and rich culture. We could jointly sell our rich diversified culture world wide and figure out minor details like the Royal Family, European Landlords, armies and the Euro later.

 

The big winners would be the next generation.  Well okay then: anyone got a better idea?  More of the same for another 400 years?

 

[Written for Issue 11 of The Ulster Folk. June 2013

 

What's The Crack With Craic?


 What's the Crack with 'Craic'?

Willie Drennan

 

It's good to do that we have some dedicated readers who spot the deliberate mistakes that we sometimes throw in to make sure people are paying attention. In Issue 8 some of you did notice that in one of my stories the word crack was spelled ‘craic’. This spelling of course has become normal among young journalists and older writers who would like to be seen as being trendy: ‘crack’ or ‘craic’ is generally understood to mean jovial conversation.

 It is a word of Lowland Scots, and probably Old English, origin and has been in common use in parts of Ulster since the 17th century: it was popularized in Belfast during the Industrial Revolution when hundreds of families moved there from its rural hinterland. At some stage in was introduced into the Irish Language where it was spelled ‘craic’ because the letter 'k' does not exist in that language, but prior to that it was often used by Ulster and Scottish writers/poets/journalists etc. and commonly spelled ‘crack’. Mind you, occasionally in Ulster-Scots it has been spelled ‘crak’ or ‘crek’. This was either because they wanted to reflect how it was pronounced, didn’t know how to spell it or just because they wanted to be thran and different.

Now, I'm not trying to challenge the legitimacy of this word being considered 'Irish': that's just the way languages work. New words are introduced to most languages on a regular basis and it wouldn't surprise me if some wee man, or wee woman, in Oxford will introduce 'craic' into the Oxford Dictionary sometime soon. They may have already done so but I don’t care: I will continue to use the spelling ‘crack' as commonly used in rural County Antrim when I was a wean. Everybody else can spell it whatever way they want. I really do not care that much.

[From Issue 9 of The Ulster Folk]

Tuesday, 25 June 2013

Canada: The Disregarded Link





 
 
Willie Drennan
They say whoever wins the war gets to write the history books. This saying probably originated after the American Revolutionary War.  In Ulster we all know the story from the American angle very well. We know of the honourable reasons for the cause of the revolution against the British: the taxation without representation. We know of Tom Paine’s ‘The Rights of Man’ and how the Scotch Irish embraced the Enlightenment and fought for liberty and religious freedom for all. We know all about the heroic deeds of the Ulstermen at Valley Forge, Brandywine and Yorktown.  Us Ulster Scots of today are as proud as can be of our connection with those valiant ‘Sons of Liberty, who inspired the French Revolution and the United Irishmen.  
 
But when you do get to hear the Canadian version of things the plot thickens, the intrigue abounds and the potential lessons for all of us today become apparent.
We’ve always known in Ulster that we have very strong historic ties with Canada: if only because of the extent to which those ties were reinforced in the twentieth century. We haven’t been fed much glorious hype about our connection however: that’s all been kept for the freedom fighting ‘Sons of Liberty’ who were motivated by the independent spirit of the Scotch Irish.
 
Once you look into the Canadian version of things however we soon realise that us Ulster folk have every bit as much a connection with Canada as we have with the USA. One of the largest ethnic groups in the early days of British North America were the Irish and the majority of these were from Ulster, even after the later mass influx of Southern Irish  in the1840’s. Ontario in particular was dominated by Ulster folk with Toronto known as the Belfast of Canada: and for much of the 19th century and early 20th century the Lord Mayor of Toronto got to ride a white horse on the Twelfth Day and pretend he was King Billy. The Lord Mayor was often as Orangeman himself as the Orange Order at that time was a massive institution across Canada: from British Columbia to Newfoundland. Now it has to be said that these Orangemen were also English, Scottish, German Protestants, and  Orange politics were related to the politics of Canada: not Ireland. There can be little doubt what ethnic group started up the Orange Order in Canada.  Wherever Loyalists of Ulster descent settled in Canada Orange lodges were formed.
An abbreviated Canadian version of the American Revolution is as follows.  Those who didn’t agree with over throwing British rule in North America were persecuted and force to flee to flee north to the ‘British North America’. 100,000 of them gathered in the last British held port of New York City to be shipped off north of the line that became the Canadian border.  They were called ‘Loyalists’  because they refused to fight the British and participate in the American Revolution. Some would argue though that these Loyalists had also been opposed to the ‘taxation without representation’ imposed by the British authorities on Americans: it’s just that they wanted to sort out the difficulties within the remit of the British Constitution. They didn’t want to go to war to force the change that they believed could well be changed through peaceful diplomatic means. Herein lies the fundamental differences between the American and Canadian mindset ever since.
It is particularly interesting that it is difficult to figure out any difference in background, principles and mindset between the Ulster folk who became Canadians and those who became Americans.  The very first ‘Irish’ settlement in Canada was in Nova Scotia by Ulster folk; many of whom had had forebears who had defended Derry’s Walls during the siege of 1689. Many more Ulster Loyalists settled in New Brunswick, Eastern Townships of Quebec, Ontario and indeed right across the northern shores of the Great Lakes.  They were no softies they were as tough and as dogged as any 18th century pioneers: the difference was that they fully embraced the notion of liberty and equal opportunity for ALL. Well okay, that’s the same principles that the USA was founded upon but the Canadians didn’t have to go through another horrendous bloody war to get things sorted.
This more tolerant approach to life has been the fundamental difference that continues up to this  present day.  While Canada  lives with the guilt of how their forebears obliterated the indigenous peoples they have certainly, ever since, demonstrated a degree of tolerance that can be matched by  few other nations.
Canada for several generations has been the multicultural showcase of the world. They have dealt with the difficult issues between Loyalists, Francophones, Natives and recent mass immigration in a way that has become the envy of the civilised world. Are their lessons here for the UK as multiculturalism becomes a serious contentious issue? Are their lessons here for Northern Ireland?  Does the Canadian approach to things deserve more attention over here among their distant cousins this side of the Atlantic? Why do the Canadians of Ulster stock think different and do things different than the Americans from the same Ulster stock?
Well shortly after this goes to print I’m off for a visit to the former Loyalist stronghold of British North America. I will explore more of their historical and modern-day approach to multiculturalism and report back on any relevant findings of note in Issue 12 of The Ulster Folk.
 
 

Saturday, 22 June 2013

The Twelfth Day and Celtic Park of Colin Agnew.


Willie Drennan



Ballymena man Colin Agnew is a staunch supporter of Glasgow Celtic FC and has been since he was 7 years old. The strange thing about that is that Colin is a church-going Protestant who also supports Northern Ireland and Ballymena United. He is a one-off. Colin explained to me that when he was 7  Celtic won the European Cup by beating Inter-Milan in the final. His family didn’t have a TV set but he was able to watch the match on a neighbour’s black and white screen.
Colin was smitten by the glory of the occasion and he was mesmerised by the green and white hoops, well at least by the black and white hooped shirts on the TV screen. But it didn’t matter to Colin that there was an Irish Catholic and Irish Nationalist aspect to the identity of the Glasgow club: from an early age Colin was simply into people and friends first ( and of course football) over political and religious difference.  I’ve known Colin for many years and can vouch for his sincerity on this.
 When I asked Colin about how he dealt with the sectarian singing and chanting, that both Celtic and Rangers are renowned for: he told me the magic would disappear without it. He felt it was something not to be taken too seriously, or too literally, outside of the football ground: and believed that that was the case for most Rangers and Celtic fans.
He explained that he attended his first Celtic match when he was sixteen. He was able to get a ticket through his close Glaswegian friend: Celtic fan Tony Collins; an ex-British soldier boxing champion, turned evangelical gospel folk singer who lived in Ballymena for a few years. Tony managed to get two tickets for the Scottish Cup Final at Hampdem Park against the Rangers through his contacts in Glasgow. The only slight problem was that the tickets were for the Rangers end and they didn’t realise this until they were in the ground. Colin said it was a matter of shoving their Celtic scarves up their jumpers, singing along to the Billy Boys and The Sash, not cheering when Celtic scored and standing up to cheer when Rangers scored. Rangers won the game 3-2.
That didn’t put Colin off: at 16 it was too late to become a Rangers fan. Colin was enthralled by the atmosphere at the game: at the passionate singing of both sets of fans and is convinced that these ‘Old Firm’ games are the best in the world. Colin later lived and worked in Scotland for a few years, allowing him to regularly attend Celtic games and so solidified his love and connection. 
Colin has two sons who both follow if their dads footsteps by following Celtic , as well as Northern Ireland and Ballymena United. He recently took his youngest son Benjamin to see Celtic for the first and marked the event by writing and recording on CD, a song called ‘Benji Goes to Paradise’.  It is actually sung by his old Glaswegian folk singing fiend Tony Collins, that’s right he forgave him for buying the tickets for the Rangers end. As a Rangers fan just can’t quite get into enjoying it, I do fully understand why the quality of the recording, the lyrics and the tune make it is a hit among Celtic fans.
This was not Colin’s first composition and his other songs include a popular song for Northern Ireland fans which has been well promoted by the Sunday Life and received the blessing of the IFA itself.
What is also unusual for this Celtic enthusiast is that he has a great affinity with Ulster-Scots and Ulster Protestant cultural traditions. A few years ago Colin won a writing contest organised by the News Letter based on memories of the Twelfth of July. His printed story entitled ‘Memories of the Glorious Twelfth and Granny’s Conglomeration Sandwiches’ was a great read. It captured the essence of the Twelfth as a distinct cultural pageant and, first and foremost for Colin, as a time for family reunion.
 The family circle would gather at his grandmother’s house on the Twelfth morning in excitement and in anticipation of the big parade. Colin loved the colours of the banners and uniforms, the music of the bands and the Lambegs and fifes and checking out those he knew in the parade. In particular there was great anticipation of the arrival of Slaght LOL 475, to watch it cross Harryville Bridge, as that was the lodge his father was in.
After the parade it was back to his grandmothers for another feed of home-made food, conglomeration sandwiches and wee buns. As the distant sounds of drums serenaded from across the fields on the warm summer’s night (Colin recalls it always being sunny on the 12th) the family made their own entertainment led by the storytelling and recitation skills of his colourful granny. Very fond memories indeed and Colin Agnew is probably one of the few people on the planet who sees no contradiction, or experiences any obstacles or pain in his enjoyment of both Glasgow Celtic FC and the Twelfth of July.  Too bad for Northern Ireland that he is just a one-off.